Call for proposals, CSCW Journal Special Issue

Net activism shows how easily available tools allow the organization of social movements to be scaled up and extended globally. These media ecologies enable new forms of power. This special issue gathers research focusing on the collaborative efforts within social movements, looking into the socio-technical systems; the organization of activism; the relations between traditional and social media; and the complex network of systems, information, people, values, theories, histories, ideologies and aesthetics underlying various types of activism. The purpose with the issue is to explore how activism is materialized, enabled, and constrained by human computer interfaces, while also contributing to the development of useful tools.

The special issue builds on the result from the workshop “Materalizing activism” at ECSCW 2019.

Deadline for the first submissions of extended abstract is December 1, 2019. (Deadline for full papers will be July 2020.)

The maximum length of the extended paper is 2,000 words. The papers should follow the JCSCW formatting guidelines. Anonymize the submission and add your name and the submission title in a separate document. Submissions of extended papers and inquiries shall be sent to the following email address: khansson@dsv.su.se

For more information about the journal: https://www.springer.com/computer/journal/10606

Background

Social activism consists of efforts to promote, or intervene, with the goal of bringing about social change. Networked online environments can effectively supportthe infrastructuring of social movements, and have the potential to enable more inclusive and decentralized power structures. In this regard, the popular appeal of social media has made such online environments central for social activists’ communicative strategies (Askanius et al. 2011; Neumayer, Rossi, and Karlsson 2016). The environmental movement has, in the past, made use of social media to engage a broad public around substantive issues (DeLuca, Brunner, and Sun 2016; Goodwin and Jasper 2014; Pang and Law 2017). Other examples of activism where social media has played a central role include the Arab Spring (AlSayyad and Guvenc 2015; Smidi and Shahin 2017), the Occupy Movement (Kavada 2015), and the #MeToo movement (Hansson et al 2019; Eilermann 2018). More locally situated examples are movements such as the Gezi protests in Turkey (Haciyakupoglu and Zhang 2015), Ukraine’s Euromaidan Uprising (Bohdanova 2014), Indignados movement in Spain (Anduiza, Cristancho, and Sabucedo 2014), the Umbrella movement in Hong Kong (Chan 2014; Lee, So, and Leung 2015; Tsui 2015)and the Save KPK movement in Indonesia (Suwana 2019).

Media and communication scholar Paolo Gerbaudo (2012)suggests that these movements are characterized by a “liquid” organization, where membership is performative and informal, and where leadership is value-based rather than based on democratic structures. Just like in a mob, there are no formal membership application, clear leadership, or decision-making rules. A salient aspect of such social movements, it is suggested, lies in the technologies and cultural practices that are involved; the infrastructural arrangements supporting these movements serve to circumvent formal organizational practices, while also lowering the cost of political participation (Dahlberg-Grundberg 2016; Earl and Kimport 2011). Rather than being part of a political organization, political participation can here be seen as a way to work autonomously but in parallel towards goals and issues that are articulated by a scattered public and communicated broadly through public manifests (Milan 2017). Another feature ascribed to these movements is the way transnational activism intersects with the national configuration of political work, such as, for example the feminist movement or environmental movement, where shared goals can unite people across diverse national contexts (Sadowski 2016; Scharff, Smith-Prei, and Stehle 2016).

While these socio-technical arrangements often use a hybrid of media and methods to organize and reach out, some elements of the technologies in use are more dominant in their action repertoires (Dahlberg-Grundberg 2016). Social media has also made the quantification of data easier by putting that data to new uses (Milan 2017; Milan and Velden 2016), or by providing activists with new forms of arguments when surveys can extend to millions of people enabling a “rhetoric of collection” (Pickard and Yang 2017). #Metoo demonstrates how activists crowdsourced data that made a massive impact on the public sphere. This has also been labeled as a scientizationof activism (Kimura 2017), and provides an interesting link between activism and citizen science (Paulos et al. 2008).

Furthermore, campaigns such as #metoo also show how online spaces provide opportunities for victims of discrimination, harassment and abuse to come out and receive support from other victims, and also to participate in public debates around these issues. Simultaneously, research also points at the negative consequences, which may render digital activism risky, exhausting and overwhelming (Mendes, Ringrose, and Keller 2018).

Yet activism has always been risky and those who make a stand put themselves in harm’s way one way or another. In particular, digital media may amplify such vulnerability that characterizes activism, by exposing and surveilling and contributing at times a digital panopticon, or a means to spread disinformation about activisms(Bradshaw and Howard 2017; Pickard and Yang 2017; Uldam 2018). Social media exposition makes it easier for companies and authorities to monitor activists’ activities (Dencik et al., 2016; Trottier and Fuchs, 2015; Uldam, 2016). Through technological affordances, user regulations and social norms, these platforms are shaping and controlling the ways in which we communicate (Klang and Madison 2016), such as by censoring LBTQ activism or breastfeeding activism on Facebook.

Most often, social media users are aware of the limitations of the technology, but less aware of the potential social implications (Klang and Madison 2016). The system of metrics that measure success in the number of friends, likes, retweets and shares, helps to effectively map out the network of supporters by creating a detailed overview of the online activism. Activism in social media thus creates new sorts of risks: the risk of relying on a technology that also is a means for surveillance; the risk of relying on a crowd you might never meet face to face; the risk of disinformation especially linked to the unreliability of user-generated data. This might include, for example, a situation where activists mistrust official information, such as during the Gezi protests in Turkey (Haciyakupoglu and Zhang 2015). In this particular case, the technology created instead an opportunity to “aggregate trustworthiness” (Jessen and Jørgensen 2011)from a large number of sources, where social trust and technical affordances are interdependent (Haciyakupoglu and Zhang 2015).

Dahlberg-Grundberg(2016)suggests the concept ofmedia ecologyas a lens to capture the coexistence of, and interdependence between, human actors and technologies and to point out the dynamic and fragile interrelations of people, processes, practices and artifacts. From a media ecology perspective, the technology involves not just extensions or prostheses through which activists operate; they also embed us and define the range of actions possible, indicating that media structure our actions, just like cultural norms and practices.

These media ecologies are thus not primarily artifacts but consist of social beings structured by technology and cultural norms, but who share a common interest that brings them together.

Against this background, the question is how we can understand and conceptualize these media ecologies, while also contributing to the development of useful technical tools for activism.

Suggested topics and inquiries for the special issue

In this special issue we are inviting researchers in the area of net activism and online participation, to discuss and develop their research. The purpose is to explore the large-scale work that takes place in social activism.

  • How do we make sense of the complex network of systems, information, people, values, theories, histories, ideologies and aesthetics underlying various types of activism?
  • What happens when social media becomes central for how a social movement operates? What are the unintended consequences?
  • How do we conceptualize the mutual constitution of a movement or network of activists and their technological strategies?
  • How can we understand coordination without formalized leadership when the participants are situated in different countries and time zones?
  • How is datafication transforming the way social movements operate?
  • How is participation constructed and enacted in bottom-up data practices?
  • How is participation constrained, for example, by infrastructural arrangements, technological affordances and social norms?
  • What are the tactics, technical structures and normative foundations supporting liquid organization and value-based leadership?
  • Conflicts and opportunities when the researcher also is the activist.

We are especially interested in design studies and action research, and submissions focusing on the technicalities of socially organized activities. In other words, how activism is materialized, enabled and constrained by human computer interfaces.

Guest editors

Karin Hansson, Associate Professor in Computer and Systems Sciences at Stockholm University, has written extensively about technology-based participation from a design perspective. She is currently part of a research project on the development of #MeToo activism in Sweden, and part of the “Metadata culture” research group at Stockholm University that investigates and develops methods for obtaining qualified and extensive metadata in digitalized cultural heritage collections.

Teresa Cerratto Pargman, Associate Professor in Human-Computer Interaction (HCI) at the Department of Computer and Systems Sciences at Stockholm University. Her research interests include educational and collaborative learning technologies, sustainable HCI and Digital Civics.

Shaowen Bardzellis Professor of Human-Computer Interaction Design in the School of Informatics and Computing at Indiana University Bloomington. Her research areas include feminist HCI, domestic computing, intimate interaction, affective computing and virtual worlds for collaboration.

Malin Sveningsson, Professor in Media and Communication Studies at the University of Gothenburg, is the author of several books and research articles in areas such as digital media, computer-mediated communication, virtual worlds, social interaction, popular culture, youth culture, gender and identity. She takes part in the interdisciplinary research project on feminist net activism at Stockholm University.

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